Kenya - what needs to be done

January 18, 2008

What needs to be done should be done


POLITICIANS never learn, particularly those in power, from history, and if and when they do, then it would be too late for many of their people. The developments in Kenya bear witness to this universal truth.
In Kenya, the government President Mwai Kibaki is determined to stay in power despite monitors' observation that the Dec.27 election was flawed. While the voting itself went without a hitch, the vote counting process was rigged, according to independent observers.
The government has brushed aside the charge and is putting up a show of force and the opposition is hitting back. At least 600 people have been killed in post-election violence linked to demonstrations staged by the opposition, whose leader Raila Odinga insists that he had won the elections. Odinga has offered to call off the protests if the government orders a transparent recount of the votes and if the results show that Kibaki had won. He has also said that he would be prepared to take part in a "transitional coalition government" tasked with organising new elections within six months.
However, the government is unmoved. It is determined to crush opposition protests by the use of force. On Thursday, several people were shot dead in Nairobi suburbs in clashes between opposition supporters and people. On the first day of the renewed protests on Wednesday, at least four people were killed.
That came after the opposition scored a small victory on Tuesday when its candidate was elected speaker of parliament, but that does not count for much in Kenya's political environment.
An overview of the crisis should begin with the final report of its observer team saying the Dec.27 polls "did not meet international standards." As such, it was incumbent on the government to clear the air by ordering a recount of the ballots. Its refusal to do so could be interpreted only as substantiation of the opposition charges that there was something wrong in the counting process.
It cannot be said with absolute accuracy that at stake in Kenya is democracy. The ongoing fight there is not for the sake of democracy as much as for power and the wealth that goes with authority. Odinga loyalists — most of them from his tribe — stand to benefit from him becoming president of the country; they would become ministers and fill the bureaucratic ranks wherever possible — a process that would be reversed if Kibaki emerges the victor in the next elections and names people from his tribe as ministers and replaces the bureaucratic ranks wherever possible with his people.
Businessmen stand to gain from the political gains of their respective tribes in the form of government contracts for goods, services and projects..
This is the political cycle in many countries and it is likely to continue for sometime before the people at large are more educated and start asking questions.
In the meantime, the international community could step in and help the Kenyans solve the crisis. It could start by restraining the opposition from engaging in provocative protests and holding to account the government for its high-handed approach while dealing with people exercising their democratic rights.
The situation in Kenya would only turn worse if the world remained silent and inadvertently encourage the government to continue its present course while also frustrating and the opposition into hardening its position.
Indeed, the US government has warned that it will not conduct "business as usual" with Kenya until there is an accord. The European Union has threatened sanctions, including the suspension of financial assistance. These are good first steps, but they should be followed up with determination and commitment in order to find an end to the suffering of the ordinary people of Kenya and work out a political settlement based on democratic principles. There could be no compromise.

A non-starter on the political front

January 17, 2008

A non-starter on the political front

IT IS difficult to see what US President George W Bush reaped during his Middle East visit that came to a close on Wednesday except perhaps a hope that oil producers might increase output with a view to offsetting the record rise in prices. Even that sounds unlikely when seen against the Saudi comment that oil production could be increased when justified by market forces.
Indeed, Bush's trip did contribute to the bilateral front by opening new avenues towards strengthening US relations with the countries he visited during the trip. But those relations could not be turned around and fitted into a political context the way Bush obviously wanted to do.
Bush's confidence that he would be able to witness the signing of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement before he left the White House in January 2009 was never realistic, given the realiities on the ground and the complexities of the conflict. It was during his swing through the region this week that Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert declared that he did not think any peace deal was possible with the Palestinians but that he had no option to continue negotiations because of the dangerous implications of the status quo.
The situation has been further complicated on Wednesday with one partner bolting the coalition government in Israel and another poised to quit if Olmert went ahead with working out any deal with the Palestinians on the key issue of Jerusalem. And Bush's presence in the region did not dissuade Israel from launching a major operation that killed at least 18 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip on Tuesday.
Bush got a cool response to his call on Arab countries to "reach out" to Israel. The Arabs have already reached out to Israel with the Saudi-led peace initiative which offers peace in return for all the Arab territories it occupied in the 1967 war, but the Jewish state wanted it twisted its way.
Both Bush and his secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, harped on the theme of Arabs "reaching out" to Israel during the presidential visit, but they could not persuade anyone to bury the belief that it would be like rewarding Israel even against the backdrop that it is not ready for a fair and just settlement its conflict with the Palestinians.
Finally, Bush could find little takers in the region for his campaign against Iran. While the region's countries do have its own concerns about Iran, they are not willing to adorn an Israeli-designed and American supplied eyeglass to look at Iran. Surely, Bush would have heard the message loud and clear and during the visit, particularly the declaration by the Saudi media that Saudi Arabia would not allow itself to be used as a launching pad for military action against Iran — essentially the centrepiece of the trip.
In sum, the presidential tour of the Middle East could de deemed as a high-profile protocolish success and big boost to bilateral relations, but the president's political mission in the Israeli and Iranian contexts was a non-starter.

UAE sets yet another model

Jan.16, 2008

UAE sets yet another model

THE agreement on nuclear co-operation signed by France and the UAE on Tuesday is a landmark in many bilateral and multilateral aspects.
It does not mean that the UAE would move with any haste to begin producing and using nuclear energy. The country will follow a steady and responsible course supported by research and experience and advice of leading international nuclear experts in order to ensure that there will be no room whatsoever for any eyebrows to be raised at its nuclear activities for peaceful purposes in absolute safety and security.
What stands out, as explained by Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah Bin Zayed, is the UAE's firm commitment to follow a sound, well-planned and transparent nuclear programme in close consultation with all the concerned major world powers in the field and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
The agreement with France provides for bilateral co-operation in nuclear activities with a view to evaluating and potential use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, including power production, water desalination, basic and applied research, agronomy, earth sciences, medicine and industry.
The UAE aims to "create a responsible framework for the evaluation and possible implementation of a peaceful nuclear programme, ensuring compliance with the highest standards of non-proliferation, safety and security," Sheikh Abdullah emphasised.
In yet another important move, the country is also seeking help from the IAEA to devise guidelines for management of radioactive waste in the oil and gas industries.
The nuclear watchdog of the UN will help the UAE in control and prevention in assessing natural radioactive waste originated from the oil and gas industries. The scope of work also includes classification of radioactive waste treatment, review of relevant legislations and assessment of infrastructure for radioactive waste management.
Indeed, the UAE's approach is a model that could be emulated by non-nuclear countries to have in place a nuclear programme for peaceful purposes with full support of the international community.
By adopting the multifaceted approach towards the peaceful use of nuclear energy and by committing itself to abiding by it, the UAE has yet again proved why it could assume a front-line position in the international community in a relatively short period and set an example for others to follow in many other aspects of international life in both bilateral and multilateral spheres.

Peace remains a political captive

Jan.15, 2008


Peace remains a political captive

IT is not diffcult to figure out why Prime Minister Ehud Olmert stated on Monday that Israel may not reach a peace agreement with the Palestinians, but will continue negotiations because maintaining the status quo is dangerous.
The danger is multi-fold. Palestinian hopes have been raised with the Annapolis conference and the recent visit by US President George W Bush that a peace agreement could be worked out sooner than later. Any setback to those hopes would result in militancy fuelled by frustration leading to undermining diplomacy, making it all the more difficult for any effort to work out a peace agreement.
The medium-term danger is demographic and would see Jews outnumbered by Arabs under Israel's control and thus undermine its claim to be "the Jewish state." That is essentially an Israeli problem, but with all that it entails in terms of Palestinian aspirations for independent statehood.
The situation highlighgts the uncertainty of the whole process launched under US auspices in Annapolis in November and brings into question Bush's confident promise that an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement would be signed before he leaves office in January 2009.
Olmert, who is facing dire political straits, is trying to do several things at the same time. Facing pressure from his coalition partners against discussing core issues with the Palestinians, he wants to dilute Palestinian demands by suggesting that his coalition government could collapse if he were to grant "too many concessions" in the peace talks.
Olmert is also sending a message of assurance to hawkish coalition partners such as Avigdor Lieberman, head of the Yisrael Beiteinu Party, who has threatened to pull out of the coalition if the government begins discussing the questions at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Even if Lieberman — who controls 11 seats in the 120-member Israeli parliament — makes good this threat, Olmert's government would still command 67 seats. But then, Olmert faces a similar threat from the ultra-Orthodox Shas party, which has seats. Shas says it would quit the coalition if Jerusalem comes up for discussion, and this would mean Olmert without a parliamentary majority and raises the prospect of snap parliamentary elections. Olmert's Kadima party is expected to do badly if elections were to be held today. The hard-line Likud bloc led by Benjamin Netanyahu is most likely to emerge as the leading vote-winner and could form the next coalition government, and there disappears the chance of Israeli-Palestinian peace.
On the other side, Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas has his own troubles. All he could count on at this point is Bush's assurance that the US would remain engaged in the peace negotiations and the international community's pledge of several billion dollars that, if properly utilised, should indeed make a positive difference to the daily life of the Palestinians living in the occupied territories. Abbas faces the task of of not only somehow regaining control of the Gaza Strip but also of keeping militancy in check, a tough task, given the Israeli refusal to entertain Palestinian demands that are key to any peace agreement.
Any Israeli-Palestinian peace process has always remained captive to internal Israeli politics as to internal Palestinian politics. It is now Olmert's turn to grapple with the issues at hand and the fate of the Annapolis process depends on his success or defeat to handle the political forces that are determined to maintain the status quo.

Thank you and au revoir Mr President

Jan.14, 2008

History and geopolitics

IN PRINCIPLE and context, US President George W Bush's speech in Abu Dhabi on Sunday sounded great and befiting the president of the world's strongest power and a country founded on noble democratic principles and respect for human rights and dignity. His assertions and declarations on the region's crises and problems, whether in Palestine, Lebanon or Iraq, were perfect. His pledge of American support for peace between Israel and the Palestinians was a reaffirmation of the strong position he adopted at the Annapolis conference in November.
However, there were several dampners in what Bush told us. First of all, he linked Israeli-Palestinian peace directly with "security" of Israel. We know that Israel uses its "security" as the best smokescreen for its arbitrary positions and practices in the occupied territories and beyond. Our close understanding of the way Israel manipulates things to suit its interests prompts us to be sceptical how far the US would be able to brush aside Israeli arguments based on its "security" imperatives while negotiating peace with the Palestinians.
In fact, Bush should be trying to convince Israel that its "security" could not be guaranteed through the use of military might, but only through working out a just, fair and comprensive settlement with the Palestinians.
As was expected, Bush described Iran as the greatest sponsor of state terrorism in the world and underlined what he saw as the need to confront Iranian designs to destabilise the region. It is a view that is not necessarily shared by many in the region, which is also aware that Bush views Iran from a strictly Israeli perspective rather than even an American perspective. What we would have liked to hear from Bush was an understanding of the history of our region and the traditional relations that have prevailed in the Gulf for centuries. Iran, whether Israel likes it or not, is part and parcel of the region with strong ties with its neighbours in the Gulf that could not be negated for whatever purposes as dictated by external interests.
We would have expected Bush to offer to open a no-holds-barred diplomatic dialogue with Iran with the transparent objective of working out a modus vivendi between Washington and Tehran, particularly that the US president has been emphasising that he prefers diplomacy over military means in his approach to Iran.
Surely, Bush would and should have known before he set out to the region that he could not have hoped to secure the kind of Arab support that he sought against Iran. As such, he should have also realised that the whole objective of his reference to Iran was simply to restate the US position.
On the bilateral front, the Bush visit was indeed a landmark in US-UAE relations that were cemented with the US recognition of the UAE federation when it was launched in 1971.
As the US president winds up his visit to to the UAE today, both sides would be reflecting on the fact that it has given a major boost to bilateral relations in a way that also recognises that the UAE has come a long way from 1971 and has already claimed a prominent position among leaders of the international community in the 36 years of its existence as a federation. Indeed, Bush's visit to the UAE reaffirmed the progress and development that the country has made and is continuing to make at an unparallelled pace.

Thank you and au revoir Mr President

A 'message' in it somewhere?

Jan.13, 2008

A 'message' in it somewhere?

THE US-REPORTED threat that the Iranian Revolutionary Guards made against three American warships in the Straits of Hormuz has injected more tension to the growing US-Iranian confrontation. It has become an international talking point at a time when US President George W Bush is visiting the region with a view to convincing Arab countries that Iran poses a threat to regional stability and security.
It is not that Iranians would not indulge in such actions. Their record shows that they have always played brinksmanship that have often shot up chances of an armed confrontation by mistake.
However, the facts available on last week's "incident" indicate something else.
First of all, it is difficult to believe that five small Iranian boats confronted big, well-armed US ships and threatened to blow up the American vessels. There many technical aspects to the reported Iranian threat that have been cited in the US media itself, raising suggestions that it could have been tailor-made to suit Washington's purposes.
These include the video released by the Pentagon showing small boats with no visible armaments and the absence of any footage showing anyone dumping white cartons into the water, as was initially alleged.
As to the audible threat — “I am coming to you,” and “You will explode after a few minutes" — even Pentagon officials have admitted that they could not say it with any certainty that the transmission came from the speedboats or elsewhere.
Others have said that the video and audio were recorded separately, then combined.
Even US Navy Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the US military's Joint Chiefs of Staff, has admitted that he could not shed "any light as far as the radio transmission is concerned."
Apart from the warning issued by top US officials, what is equally alarming is the intensity with which the affair figured in the US presidential debate.
Almost all candidates, including front-runners for party nomination, simply accepted the first Pentagon version of the affair. They pulled all the plugs and used languages that are usually unheard from matured political leaders. It was remniscent of the bellicose language in reaction to an alleged naval exchange in the Gulf of Tonkin that led to the Vietnam War.
It is difficult to believe that the US is itching to go to war with Iran. That line of thought leads to the suggestion that the way the Hormuz affair was played out that it contained an implicit message indicating the shape of things around the corner if the Iranian "threat" did not meet a "proper" response with backing from others in the region.
Only time will tell what the reality was, but we in this part of the world already have enough troubles — most of them created by external meddling, direct and indirect — and have no intention to take on more crises created to serve foreign interests.

Civilians should not pay the price

Jan.12, 2008

Civilians should not pay the price


IT would appear that Sri Lanka is destined to witness more bloodshed. The government in Colombo has rejected a call by separatist Tamil rebels to revive a 2002 cease-fire, a week after the authorities officially withdrew from the truce.
It is not that the offer by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam was any breakthrough. The 2002 truce existed only on paper in the last two years. The rebel group has a record of not respecting the 2002 cease-fire and the government has hit back with force. Violence linked to the Tamil revolt has claimed more than 5,000 people in the last two years.
Obviously, the government wants to gain the upper hand on the ground before renewing its hand at working out a political solution to the decades-old conflict stemming from the Tamils' complaints of discrimination at the hands of the majority Sinhalese.
The government strategy is clear: It wants to pull the military teeth of the rebel movement. Since the government withdrew from the truce on Jan.3, more than 204 people — 195 rebels, six soldiers and three civilians — have been killed, according to the military. While it is difficult to independently verify the authenticity of claims, it would seem certain that the rebels have suffered and are continuing to suffer from the major military offensive under way against their strongholds. That should explain the rebels' unsolicited promise that they were "ready to implement every clause"of the Norway-brokered truce and respect it "100 per cent."
The rebels also said they were "shocked and disappointed that the government of Sri Lanka has unilaterally abrogated" the 2002 cease-fire agreement.
Indeed, the government's rejection of the truce renewal offer is coupled with a promise that it would unveil a political plan on Feb.4, the anniversary of the island's independence from the then colonial power Britain.
The promise shows that the Colombo government is perfectly aware that there is no military solution to the conflict and that the protracted ethnic conflict requires a broad-based approach.
While we do not have details of the plan to be unveiled, we do know that Sri Lanka country a settlement of political, constitutional and other issues without infringing upon the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In order to work out a political solution, the government and the Tamil community have to move forward, with the former guaranteeing that the Tamils' grievances would be satisfactorily addressed within that framework and the latter publicly abandoning the drive for sedition. However, there is little trust lost between the two, and hence every effort becomes an uphill task even if the two sides proclaim their adherence to these pledges and commitments.
There is room for effective UN involvement. But, at this point in time, the Sri Lankan government is unlikely to accept any mediation because it would see any suspension of its military operations as benefiting the rebels.
Against that backdrop, the international community seems to have little choice in the matter. It will have to wait out until Colombo is good and ready. But in the meantime, there is a pressing need for civilians to be spared from more suffering. That is where the UN could step with observers to ensure that civilians do not pay the price for the conflict by being caught in the crossfire.

Optimism despite many ifs and buts

Jan.11, 2008

Optimism despite many ifs and buts


IT is indeed welcome news that US President George W. Bush has expressed confidence that Israel and the Palestinians would sign a peace treaty before he leaves office a year from now.
In fact, the US president has been saying the right things at the right time since the launch of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations at Annapolis in November. However, people in the Middle East — who have been and are living with the problems of the region for decades — are sceptical, given the realities on the ground, particularly the pervading belief that the US, which always underlines its "strategic partnership" with Israel, could not be expected to pressure Israel into making the compromises that are essential to peace. The Arab World has always seen the pattern of the US stepping in to protect Israel at various forums, including the United Nations, and pressuring the Palestinians into meeting Israeli demands.
There are many ifs and buts that are hanging in the air as the region looks ahead at the path towards peace, including the reality that the Palestinian community is split, with Hamas in control of the Gaza Strip and refusing to meet the prerequisites for being accepted as part of the effort for peace. However, there is also a conviction that the so-called hardliners would come around when the time is right in terms of significant shifts in the refusink Israeli positions and rejectionist conditions.
It is also uncertain at this juncture how far Israel is willing to go in accepting compromises — particularly in view of its positions on Arab East Jerusalem, Jewish settlements in the occupied territories and the fate of Palestinian refugees from the 1948 war.
It was also disturbing to note the finding of opinion polls released on Thursday that Israelis were overwhelmingly pessimistic that Bush's visit to Israel and the West Bank would move peace negotiations with Palestinians forward. One poll found that some 77 per cent of Israelis said they thought he would not succeed while another showed 50 per cent of those surveyed said the Bush visit would not advance peace talks, while 36 per cent said it would.
At the same time, the note of high confidence in the affirmation by Bush that Israeli-Palestinian peace could be achieved in one year indicates a determination, particularly in his comment that
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert "have to come together and make tough choices" and "with proper help that the state of Palestine will emerge."
Bush's call on the Israeli leadership to help and not hinder the modernisation of Palestinian security forces and affirmation that the future Palestinian state has to be contiguous are also indicative of a clear understanding of the elements that have to fit into the broader picture of peace in the region.
The words are very encouraging to the people of the Middle East who are anxious to see peace and normalcy being restored to the region so that they could refocus their development efforts and catch up with the rest of the world in an era of enhanced regional and international co-operation.
Let us hope that the determination seen in Bush's proclamations while in the region would be reflected in every American move. All it takes is Washington's recognition and acceptance of the fact that the Palestinians — and indeed the broader Arab World — are not asking for the moon but a fair and just solution to the problem based on their inalienable and legitimtate rights that are enshrined in UN decisions and international conventions, treaties and charters. They are ready to make compromises that do not infringe upon their basic rights and expect Israel not to indulge in pressure tactics and deceptive moves.
The Arab World would not be found wanting at any point as long as fairness and justice is guaranteed for all on the basis of international legitimacy.

Alarm bells are ignored

Jan.10, 2008

Alarm bells are ignored

AT A time when US President George W Bush is paying a high-profile visit to the Middle East against the backdrop of the worsening crisis in Iraq, the American Foreign Service Association says that nearly half of US diplomats unwilling to volunteer to work in Iraq say one reason for their refusal is they do not agree with Bush administration's policies in the country.
According to a survey conducted by the American Foreign Service Association, security concerns and separation from family ranked as the top reasons for not wanting to serve in Iraq. But 48 per cent cited "disagreement" with administration policy as a factor in their opposition.
The survey was conducted late last year among the 11,500 members of the US diplomatic corps and found deep frustration among more than 4,300 respondents over Iraq, safety and security issues elsewhere, pay disparities and the leadership of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and her top deputies.
Nearly 70 per cent of US diplomats who responded to the survey oppose forced assignments to Iraq, a prospect that was raised by the State Department with an implicit warning issued last year that those who do not accept to serve in Iraq could face disciplinary measures.
Of course, the State Department has that option, and many diplomats could face no choice but to serve in Iraq if they were to keep their jobs. However, how effectively they would perform under such conditions and in the chaotic atmosphere in Iraq is a major question, and this clearly points to non-accomplishment of US foreign policy objectives in the country.
Beyond the human elements at play in the diplomats' refusal to serve in Iraq, the American Foreign Service Association survey has brought out a very significant aspect of the workings of the Bush administration: Heavy dissent in its diplomatic ranks against its policies.
That should be seen coupled with the obvious dissent in the US intelligence community that emerged to the surface with the release of the National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), which pulled the rug from under the administration's "case" against Iran.
But the Bush administration is brushing aside the dissent in the diplomatic and intelligence communities as if a handful of people at the helm of affairs know better. Abandoned on the fringes are veteran diplomats and intelligence experts whose decades of experience are ringing loud warning bells against the course followed by the administration. Surely, that in itself is unprecedented in US history and gives rise to the certainty that we have yet to see more dramatic developments before Bush leaves office in January 2009.

Diplomacy not an option, but a must

Jan.9, 2008

Diplomacy not an option, but a must



THE reported dust-up between the US and Iranian navies in the Gulf on Sunday makes us believe that a US-Iranian military confrontation is getting closer. It is as if our hopes that there would be no military action are collapsing as a script of confrontation is being played out.
Both sides have firmed up their positions. Washington, citing its right for a routine passage in international waters, says its warships were threatened by Iranian navy boats and has warned against provocations.
Tehran denies that its boats threatened US warships and describes Monday's incident in the Strait of Hormuz as an "ordinary occurrence." It says it has the right to ask any ships to identify themselves upon entering or leaving the Gulf.
No doubt, the incident strengthens US President George W.Bush's argument, which he takes to the region this week, that Iran poses a threat to regional stability. Tehran rejects the charge and insists that the US is determined to follow a course of hostility towards Iran.
The war of words could continue, but the naval brush-off in the Gulf highlighted the danger of miscalculations sparking a military conflict in our neighbourhood. As we are given to understand, the US warships came close to opening fire against the Iranian boats that allegedly harassed them. It is anyone's guess what could have followed if the US warships had opened up their guns against the Iranian boats.
It is ironic that Iran's behaviour is not helping ease the tension. Often, the world gets the impression that the Iranians are daring the US to launch military action against them. They are either convinced that the US would not take military action against them or that they would be able to wage an effective "defensive war" in the event of a US military strike against them.
That is not the way others the region views the crisis. The region, which is living through the crises sparked by the US-led invasion of Iraq nearly five years ago, is anxious to avoide yet another military conflict that could plunge the area into chaos with unpredictable consequences.
Whatever their self-serving motivations and reasonings, neither the US nor Iran has any right to expose the region to further conflicts and crises. If they have any sense of their international obligations, they should resort to diplomacy and dialogue to settle their differences while respecting each other's rights as enshrined in international conventions and charters.

A lap-run but without victory

Jan.8, 2008

A lap-run but without victory

George W. Bush's comments on the eve of his last visit as US president to the Middle East have affirmed the belief of most people in the region that the trip is unlikely to produce realistic results to advance the Israeli-Palestinian peace process launched in Annapolis in November.
It has been clear for some time now that without a major shift in the pro-Israeli policy in Washington there was little hope of a just and fair settlement of the Palestinian problem. Some optimists were hoping that Bush would be coming to the Middle East with fresh ideas based on the recognition that Israel's refusal to respect the legitimate rights of the Palestinians is at the root of the conflict.
In his latest comments, Bush did not signal any shift in his position. If anything, he reaffirmed his commitment to the "security" of Israel by announcing that he would press ahead with his drive against Iran, which he described as a continued threat to regional stability.
The US president cited the recently released National Intelligence Estimate produced by US intelligence agencies as reaffirming the "threat" posed by Iran whereas the region saw the report as a clear indication that Tehran appears less determined to have nuclear weapons than the intelligence community believed it had been two years ago.
By maintaining his tirade against Iran, Bush is seeking to serve Israeli interests. It is evident that Israel, which sees its possession of nuclear weapons as a tool to advance its regional designs, is concerned that it would lose its military edge over all countries in the region if Iran develops a nuclear programme.
Bush will be trying to convince the region to accept the US view of Iran. He is sidestepping the history of the region where Iran has always been and remains a reality with established relations with other regional players who understand the Iranians better than most people.
Indeed, there are regional disputes, but the regional players have their own means to deal with the issues, whether multilateral or bilateral.
What is of immediate and prime concern for the region is the crisis in Iraq and the conviction that Israeli-Palestinian negotiations would not get anywhere under the present geopolitics dictated by the pro-Israeli bias of the US.
Notwithstanding the loud US declaration that Iraq is being pacified, the region knows well that the crisis in that country is simmering just below the surface, ready to erupt again at the first opportune moment.
Bush has not offered the Middle East any sign that the US would adopt an independent and neutral approach to the Palestinian problem based on international legitimacy and UN resolutions and that he is willing to twist the Israeli arm. Short of that, there is little room for hope for a fair and just Israeli-Palestinian settlement.
Obviously, Bush has already turned his visit to the Middle East region into what he considers as a victory march marking his departure from the White House next year. The Middle East would see the march, but would still be searching for what Bush's victory was even after his departure from the region.

Iraqi agony at new heights

Jan.7, 2008

Iraqi agony at new heights

A REPORT prepared by Al Jazeera has exposed yet another ugly face of the US-invasion and occupation of Iraq — Iraqi parents are forced to sell their children with hopes that the children would have a better life outside Iraq. And organised groups seem to be at work specialising in buying and even kidnapping Iraqi children to be sold outside Iraq.
Particularly touching is the case of Abu Mohammed, a Baghdad resident, who opted to sell his youngest daughter for $10,000 to a visiting Swedish couple claiming to be part an international non-governmental organisation. The couple's Iraqi translator was the intermediary.
"The war disgraced my family. I lost relatives including my wife among thousands of victims of sectarian violence and was forced to sell my (two-year-old) daughter to give my other children something to eat," Al Jazeera quotes Abu Mohammed as saying in what partly sums up the typical sentiment of an Iraqi parent forced to sell his or her child.
According to Omar Khalif, vice-president of the Iraqi Families Association, (IFA), a NGO established in 2004 to register cases of those missing and trafficked, at least two children are sold by their parents every week and another four are reported missing every week.
Police investigations have revealed that many have been sold by their parents to foreign couples or specialised gangs who in turn sell the children to families in foreign countries, mainly European.
There was never any reported case of sale of babies in Iraq prior to the US-led invasion in 2004 — even during the bitter years during which Iraq remained under sweeping international sanctions that were imposed when it invaded Kuwait in 1990.
The Iraqis, who are proud of and have always lived true to their Arab Muslim traditions and values, have been now forced into doing things for which that their conscience — or that of any parent for that matter — would torment them for life.
The trafficking in babies is only one of the numerous problems and crises facing the Iraqi society today. As it is rightly observed throughout the world, children and women pay the price first for military misdventures, and it is all the more pronounced in Iraq.
The US, by virtue of it being the key power that led the war against Iraq, destabilised the country and exposed its people to untold suffering, has to shoulder the blame for the misery facing the Iraqis today.
It has to shoulder the responsibility is to offer the people of Iraq — who it says it "liberated" from tyranny — the social security that allows them to lead a dignified life.
However, in reality, neither the US nor the government in power in Baghdad today is in a position to shoulder that responsibility. Such is the chaos that is pervading in Iraq today in the absence of a strong system that gives priority to the people rather than the vested political interests of external powers and ethnical/communal interests of various groups within the country.

The only constant in Washington

Jan.6, 2008

The only constant in Washington

John McCain's comment during a a town hall meeting in Derry, New Hampshire, shortly before the the Iowa caucuses that the US military could stay in Iraq for "maybe a hundred years" and that "would be fine with me," held no surprises. It only highlighted the neoconservative mindset that the US has the moral and global authority to stay in Iraq as long it wants. However, McCain qualified it by saying that he had no objection to US soldiers staying in Iraq "as long as Americans are not being injured, harmed or killed." That is something the neoconservatives are not worried about. For them, the life and death of American soldiers in Iraq is the price that the American political establishment should be willing to pay. Never mind that the American political establishment takes orders, direct and indirect, from Israel, and that it is in partly in Israel's interest that the US military continues to stay on in Iraq and consolidate its presence there as an advance base for intervention in the region when deemed fit without risking Israeli lives (not to mention that the US military's departure from Iraq would only strengthen Israeli foe Iran).
In the minds of people like McCain, a US military withdrawal from Iraq is defeat.
They are not bothered by the fact that their country violated all international conventions, charters, agreements and conventions as well the code of conduct of governments when it invaded and occupied Iraq, and that it is continuing the same violation as long as it remains there.
They are not bothered by the fact that their country does not have much credibility around the world except the reputation as the world's strongest military superpower that is terrifying many countries.
They are not bothered by the fact that the behaviour of their governments, whether Republican or Democrat, in recent decades contradicted the very founding principles of their country.
They are not bothered by the fact that their governments, whether Republican or Democrat, have been consistently forced into upholding Israeli interests above American interests and thus caused immense damage to their country's relations with the Middle East.
The list of ironies, paradoxes and contradictions in the neoconservative-nudged policies of the US government is endless, and the people in the Middle East have been and are continuing to pay a heavy price for them.
As the 2008 race for the White House picks up momentum, many of these vagaries of American politics would be exposed as American politicians bend backwards to placate and Israel and its powerful lobbyists in Washington.
Perhaps the only consolation is that the people of America are slowly waking up to the realities of their politics and politicians. Perhaps that was why those who took part in the Iowa causes did not opt to endorse McCain as their Republican candidate for presidency.
But the battle has only started, and the world is keenly watching the scene with hopes that the American majority mindset would reveal itself as it decides who should be their candidate for president.
Not that it would make any difference to US policy vis-a-vis the Arab-Israeli conflict whoever wins in the end if only because Washington's approach to the Middle East is non-partisan. That is perhaps the only constant in Washington.

It cannot be a zero-sum game

Jan.4, 2008

It cannot be a zero-sum game


THE DECISION by the Kenyan opposition party, the Orange Democratic Movement, to postpone what the group called a "million-man march" has averted what could have turned out to be the bloodiest event of the post-election chaos in the country.
However, there is no real sign of any end to the bloodletting has already killed more than 300 people and made 70,000 homeless.
The Orange Democratic Movement's leader, Raila Odinga, who was defeated in the presidential election against incumbent Mwai Kibaki, claims that the voting was rigged. Odinga has the backing of international observers who say the election process was flawed.
As is natural in such circumstances, the government and opposition are accusing each other of being behind the violence that is unprecedented in a country that had become known as a vibrant democracy and peacemaker in Africa, rather than a trouble spot.
In fact, Kenya is living true to the argument of many that in Africa there is no such thing as an incumbent president or prime minister losing a vote.
Pro-Kibaki MPs want Odinga and others to be charged by the International Criminal Court for "ethnic cleansing and genocide" while the Odinga camp contends that a police order to shoot during protests by its supporters was "bordering on genocide."
One thing is clear: The instigators of the violence that saw crazed killings, including the massacre of some 50 people inside a church, and those involved in the rampages in the country have little respect or consideration for the people of Kenya.
At the same time, it is also difficult to see how any group could stand to gain anything from the bloodletting.
In fact, the people of Kenya are being taken for a ride. None of the politicians could be expected to be anywhere near troublespots; they prefer to leave their supporters to confront police and their political rivals.The businesses, homes and families of the politicians are safe and secure while the people on the streets are turned into cannonfodder. Such is the politicians' greed for power and wealth that they brush aside all considerations for the faith their supporters have placed in them. Mass murders do not matter to them as long as their political interests are served.
Some contend that as in many other African countries, the politics in Kenya also has a tribal overtone, with Kibaki’s Kikuyu tribe pitted against Odinga’s Luo. They claim that the post-election violence brought to the front the latent tribalism present in daily life in the country.
Those claims and contentions overlook the reality that many of the African countries as they exist today are the creations of colonial powers with varying degrees of "democratic practices" mainly dictated by foreign powers in order to serve their own interests.
Indeed, the ferocity of the violence in Kenya — highlighted by reports of headless bodies being dragged from burnt-out shacks — has shocked the world, and that is what some could cite as supporting the theory that tribalism is showing its ugly head.
But that does not necessarily mean that old scores are being settled today. In reality, as could be assessed from the history of Kenya, the rival groups are fighting for control of local resources, and they are led by powerful politicians who also happen to be prominent tribal figures. The situation could easily be described as typical of Africa or any other part of the developing world.
The international community is desperate to find a compromise. But, with the core issue being the veracity of the voting and vote-counting process, the political leaders of Kenya have to accept to place the satety, security and welfare of the people and democratic interests of Kenya over everything else. They have to respect it cannot be a zero-sum game, where the winner takes it all and fight bitterly to keep it all.
The international community has to turn the heat until on the political leaders of all shades in Kenya are ready to accept the rules of democracy.
Until the time they are ready to do that, all efforts would be wasted.

Never too late for genuine turn

Jan.3, 2008

Never too late for genuine turn


PAKISTAN's main political parties say they resent the postponement of general elections from Jan.8 to Feb.18, but that they would take part in the polls anyway. Their decision comes as a great relief since fears were high that the two major opposition parties would reject the move and wage continuous protests against the government over the delay.
Indeed, it is the first time in Pakistan’s history that an election had been postponed after the date had been announced.
The chief election commissioner announced the postponement saying that ir would not be possible to hold the vote as scheduled following the assassination of Benazir Bhutto last week. Nearly 50 people have been killed in the spree of violence that followed the Bhutto assassination.
Chief Election Commissioner Qazi Mohammed Farooq, who said the violent protests that had directly affected the organisation of the elections, has promised that the vote "in every respect will be clean and transparent."
There could be many arguments against the delay, including an assertion that the postponement is largely intended to deprive the two main opposition parties of a huge sympathy vote after Bhutto’s assassination.
On the other hand, the reasons cited by the authorities for the postponement seem to be fairly valid, including the destruction of polling stations, loss of election material and delays in printing election papers.
Understandably, the decision has disappointed Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which was hoping to capitalise on the sympathy flowing in the wake of its leader's assassination.
Well, all political parties have no option but to accept the decision and hope they would be able to perform their best in the process to secure the people's mandate.
In the broader context, the international community is anxious to see normalcy returned to Pakistan as soon as possible. The world has been watching in horror as militancy took a turn to the worse in the past few months, with suicide bombings becoming frequent. The fear is that militants could exploiting the situation in the country to grow stronger roots with a view to staging "spectacular" attacks in retaliation for the country's commitment to fighting extremism and support for the US-led "war against terror."
Pakistan  is facing a tough challenge: They have to defeat all forces of militancy and extremism, restore national stability and security and set the course towards democratic life with all that it entails. The election, delayed as it might be, is the first step towards that goal. The way ahead is not easy, but the objective could be realised if everyone concerned — the ordinary people, the government, the military, the judiciary and the intelligence community as well as the businesses that control the national economy — brush aside all differences and stand together to protect the genuine interests of the country. Time has already been wasted, but it is never too late.

Harming the cause boosts the enemy

Jan.2, 2008

Harming the cause boosts the enemy

THE Hamas-Fatah conflict is marking another unwanted bloody chapter contributing to weakening the Palestinian struggle for independence. By refusing to accept Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas's call for dialogue for reconcliation and setting their conditions for any talks, Hamas leaders are showing that they are riding high on their physical control of the Gaza Strip. They know well that Hamas would be have to counted in any meaningly process involving the Palestinians as long the group remains in control of the Gaza Strip, and thus they feel that they hold the upper hand in any dealing with the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) headed by Abbas.
On the other hand, Abbas is treading in delicate waters. He knows that the international community is supporting him in his endeavours for peace with Israel, but is handicapped by the Hamas control of the Gaza Strip and Israel's threat to suspend peace talks with him if the PNA launches dialogue with Hamas.
It was natural that Abbas qualified his call for dialogue with Hamas by insisting that the group had to return the Gaza Strip to PNA control before any dialogue could take place. That is also an implicit message to the Israelis that he is not offering reconciliation while accepting the Hamas seizure and control of the Gaza Strip as fait accompli.
Abbas's latest public attempt at reconciliation with Hamas received a resounding rebuff from the rulers of Gaza who rejected his conditions and demanded that the PNA free all "political detainees" — meaning Hamas activists in PNA detention — and halt its pursuit of Hamas loyalists in the West Bank.
Again, Abbas faces another dilemma. Under the "road map" peace plan that is the basis for the renewed peace talks with Israel, Abbas is supposed to rein in armed resistance against Israel. If he agrees to release Hamas fighters in PNA detention, he would be cited by Israel as not only not living up to his obligations but also as encouraging armed resistance. This in turn would be a pretext for Israel not to meet its obligations — mainly suspension of all settlement work in the occupied territories.
At this juncture in time, it would seem that Hamas leaders and Abbas are digging in their heels and the emerging picture does not leave room for hope for any Hamas-Fatah breakthrough.
The only light at the end of the tunnel is the hope that ongoing behind-the-scene Arab mediation could soon produce a positive result since the Palestinians, represented by Fatah, Hamas or any other group, could not but be aware that it is the strength of their struggle for freedom and independence that is being eroded by their in-fighting and that they are playing into Israel's hands.

Human spirit retains hopes

Jan.1, 2008

Human spirit retains hopes

THE year 2007 was tumultous, particularly for the Middle East and Arab region where new conflicts emerged and old conflicts got worse, with seemingly no fair and just solution in the horizon. Perhaps the only trace of a positive sign was the launch of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations at the Annapolis conference after a seven-year hiatus although the pattern of Israel's intrasigence and stubborn rejectionist postures threaten to undermine the process at any point. In real terms, the fear is that Israel would simply stuff its version of "peace" down the Palestinian throat at some point. The best of optimists could even hope for reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah, but that means little when it comes to dealing with Israel and trying to wrench the legitimate Palestinian rights.
In Iraq, violence has ebbed a little, but the overriding feeling is that the relative calm is short-lived, with the US showing no intention of ending its occupation of the country; Washington is talking only about a possible "draw-down" of its military presence in Iraq and refusing to set a deadline for departure. And the ordinary people of oil-rich Iraq continue to suffer in poverty and insecurity.
In Iran, the revelation by the US intelligence community that Tehran abandoned a nuclear weaponisation programme in 2003 has not really made any difference to Washington's resolve to maintain pressure on the country and eventually take action towards realising the US objective of "regime change" there.
Tehran itself is not helping reduce tensions. It is maintaining its defiance and rhetoric and thumping its nose and daring the US to take whatever action it finds fit.
In Lebanon, the crisis over electing a new president is persisting, with none of the key internal and external players signalling any meaningful move to lift the logjam. Indeed, everyone seems to believe that any compromise to end the crisis would be a make-or-break move as far as their vested interests are concerned.
The Lebanese crisis is closely tied to the Israeli-Syrian conflict, and the US has renewed pressure on Damascus, refusing to entertain Syrian overtures for resumption of peace talks with Israel.
In Somalia, the new year sees a worsening conflict that is causing the worst humanitarian crisis ever, according to the UN.
In Sudan, every move to solve the crisis in Darfur faces pitfalls while the people in the troubled region continuing to suffer despite the international will and effort to help them.
In Algeria, extremists have launched their own brand of insurgency that might or might not have to do with the decade-old violent revolt that many thought had ended.
Wherever we look at the troublespots in the Middle East and Arab region and beyond it, be in Afghanistan, Sri Lanka or wherever, the situation is gloomy. And we have seen too many new years come and go to expect 2008 would be any different.
But the human spirit urges us to be optimistic. Let us hope that the New Year would usher in enough political will among world leaders that would make a real and positive difference to the poor and suffering people of this planet.

Happy New Year.

The unifying factor in Pakistan politics

Dec.31, 2007


The unifying factor in Pakistan politics

IT might seem untoward at first look that a 19-year-old youth has been appointed chairman of Pakistan's arguably strongest party at a time when the country's in in deep crisis following the Dec.27 assassination of a prime minister who also led the party. However, the youth happens to be the son of the assassinated former prime minister and party leader, Benazir Bhutto, and the Bhutto family name is the binding factor not only for the slain leader's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) but also for a majority of Pakistanis, including many who might owe allegiance to other political groups in the country.
It was no coincidence that Benzair Bhutto named her son, Bilawal, an Oxford University student, as her successor in the event of her death. She knew well that the mantle she inherited from her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, had to be handed down to her son, who would be known more for his maternal legacy than anything else as he goes ahead with his political career.
The PPP's decision to honour the late leader's desire, as expressed in her will that was read out by Bilawal on Sunday, meant that the party leadership follows the bloodline for a third generation, some four decades after it was founded Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
On the surface, the PPP is seen risking being marginalised by opting for a "dynasty-based" succession. But such is the nature of politics in the Indian sub-continent. It has happened in India, where Indira Gandhi inherited her premiership from her father Jawaharlal Nehru and passed it on to her son Rajiv Gandhi when she was assassinated in 1983. Today, the leadership of the Congress Party rests with Sonia Gandhi, the widow of Rajiv Gandhi — who was killed in a suicide blast in 1991 — and Rahul Gandhi, son of Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi, is being groomed to take over the mantle when the conditions are right.
In Bangladesh, the two most prominent women and former prime ministers are widows of former heads of government.
In Sri Lanka, Chandrika Bandaranaike, a former president and currently a strong opposition leader, comes from a family of politicians. She inherited the politics of her father Solomon Bhanaranaike, and her mother Sirimavo Bhandaranaike, and her husband, movie star and politician Vijaya Kumaratunga.
Indeed, it would not at all be an easy ride for Bilawal, but his father Asif Ali Zardari, 51, will assist him as co-chairman of the party as announced by the PPP on Sunday.
Again, that is similar to what is happening in India. Just as Sonia Gandhi is running the Congress show to keep the place warm for Rahul, Zardari would be running the PPP show for Bilawal, who is too young to enter politics and needs to have a solid foundation in education before moving out of academics.
It is natural that his mother's politics have already turned him into politician's material. That much is evident in the few public statements he made in recent years.
When he was 16, Dilawal said in a press interview that he felt justice and democracy held the key to resolving Pakistan's problems.
Asked whether he would enter politics, he said he did not really know "but I would like to help the people of Pakistan, so I will decide when I finish my studies."
His mother's tragic death made the decision for him, and, hopefully, when the right time comes, he would be able to live up to his promise that regardless of whatever he does, he would "benefit the people of Pakistan."

'Surge' in mindset will yield solutions

Dec.30, 2007


'Surge' in mindset will yield solutions


A CLOSE look at the elements in play in Iraq would show that the US declaration that its "surge" in troops since early this year has worked well in Baghdad and surrounding areas is an exaggeration. But then, the US could not be expected to admit that the relative calm has more to do with Iraqis themselves than the "surge."
In Baghdad itself, the number of suicide attacks and bombings has gone down. The main reason is that Baghdad is now a city of communal enclaves zealously guarded by sectarian militiamen who trust no one but their own.
However, this does not bode well for the future because of the communal division of the Iraqi capital that pre-empts interaction among its residents as fellow citizens of Iraq. The sectarian split should not be allowed to take such deep and physical roots if there is any hope of the country returning to normal at any point in time.
The order issued by firebrand Shiite leader Moqtada Sadr to his Mahdi Army militiamen to keep a low profile and cease attacks in the wake of the US "surge" was another factor that contributed to reducing violence in Baghdad.
However, the Mahdi Army remains one of the potent forces that could spring back to action when they feel the time is opportune for them to resume implementing their sectarian agenda.
The decline in violence in areas neighbouring Baghdad is mainly because of the alienation between the Sunnis and Al Qaeda and the emergence of neighbourhood groups backed by the US military. The US military started nurturing the Sunni groups months before the "surge" and gave them vehicles, uniforms, bullet-proof jackets and $300 a month.
Now the Sunni groups are said to number about 70,000, and they are demanding that they be incorporated into the country's regular security forces, something that the Iraqi government is not really interested in doing. A major crisis is brewing there, with the US finding itself unable to work out a compromise.
In general, the relative calm in western Iraq could be attributed to the fact that most areas there have been "ethnically cleansed" — accounting for the two million Iraqis who have been internally displaced.
In southern Iraq, tension runs high between the Mahdi Army and its main Shiite challenger, the Badr Brigade of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, both vying for dominance despite having signed an agreement to end fighting and to co-operate. The US does not have a large military presence in the south and the relative calm there could be attributed to the agreement signed by Sadr and Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council leader Abdul Aziz Hakim.
Notwithstanding any of these arguments, the US could indeed assert what matters is that there has been a marked drop in violence in Iraq. What the US would not want to admit is the fact that there are real and serious crises simmering just below the surface almost everywhere in Iraq. Washington on its own does not have any effective means to solve them because the crises are rooted in the very ethnic make-up of Iraq and the history of the country in the last century. The only way out perhaps is through a US acceptance that the strategic goals of its invasion and occupation of Iraq could never be achieved. If and when the US accepts this as a reality, then solutions for the Iraq crisis would materialise themselves.

Positive ground and foundation

Jan.28, 2007

Positive ground and foundation



CAUTIOUS optimism are the two key words to describe the outcome of this week's meeting between Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf and Afghan leader Hamid Karzai. The two leaders, who have been criticising each other for "not doing enough" to check militancy, appear to have reached the conclusion that their co-operation holds the answer to the common problem of militancy both face, particularly among the unruly tribes living on their border.
Kabul had been accusing Islamabad of not preventing Taliban militants being trained and armed in Pakistan and sent across the border to attack Afghan security forces and the 60,000 international troops working with them.For its part, Islamabad, which has deployed 90,000 soldiers on the frontier, accused Kabul of not pressing for the enhanced deployment of Afghan and international troops the 2,500-kilometre border to stop infiltration by militants.
Pakistan and Afghanistan have witnessed a sharp escalation of violence, with some 6,000 people killed in the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan in 2007 while nearly 800 people died in militant attacks in Pakistan.
In a highly positive note, Musharraf announced after Wednesday's meeting that he and Karzai had developed "a strong understanding of each other's problems" and that they had also agreed on sharing intelligence information to fight "this menace of extremism and terrorism which is destroying both our countries."
Similar expressions also came from Karzai, indicating what could be a major breakthrough for both countries in their fight against militancy. "People in both the countries are suffering -- suffering a lot," Karzai said. "And it is incumbent upon us — the leadership of the two countries, the governments — to find ways to bring peace and stability to each home, each family, in both countries."
In order to convert their understanding of each other's problems into result-oriented action, both need work on the domestic front because some of their problems are internal. Both face difficult political situations at home that need careful handling. There are groups and individuals on both sides who do not approve of their government's role in the post-Sept.11, 2001 fight against extremism, and many sympathise with the Taliban and Al Qaeda if only because of what they see as state apathy towards social injustice.
Clearly, tough tasks are ahead for Musharraf and Karzai. They have crossed the first hurdle of having to work out an understanding between themselves. Hopefully, they would be able to advance towards their goals with the same positive spirit that was evident during their latest encounter.

Tough and difficult but not impossible

Dec.27, 2007

Tough and difficult but not impossible

THE CONFLICT between the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils in Sri Lanka is turning out be one of the most difficult crises. Repeated efforts to end the conflict have ended up nowhere, with both the government in Colombo and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) group now appear determined to gain the upper hand before anything else.
The government of President Mahinda Rajapakse has vowed to defeat the rebels militarily before any new peace talks while the rebel group has pledged not to allow the Sri Lankan military to make any advances. However, the military has indeed made gains in the ongoing confrontation and the government is moving ahead with a resolve to eliminate the rebel group's fighting ability.
Both sides have stepped up rhetoric and it is difficult to find any room for renewed dialogue to end the decades-old conflict that owes its origins to the days when the British colonial power moved Indian Tamil labourers to work on the island. The main grievance of today's Sri Lankan Tamil generation is that they are subjected to state discrimination and are denied what they consider as their legitimate rights. The government denies the charge and says it is open for peace talks with the LTTE but is also detemined to destroy the Tamil dissident group militarily. It has pulled all plugs and is pressing ahead with full-fledged war against the group.
The latest fighting came on Wednesday when Sri Lanka's navy clashed with LTTE vessels off the island's northern coast of Jaffna, and the defence ministry said 11 rebel boats were destroyed, leaving at least 40 guerrillas dead.
One of Rajapakse's ministers have declared that any attempt at having a dialogue with the LTTE's shadowy leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, is futile and there would be no peace in Sri Lanka unless Prabhakaran is killed.
Social Services and Welfare Minister Douglas Devananda, a Tamil vehemently opposed to the Tigers, does have a reason to say so. He has survived numerous assassination attempts, the latest on Nov.28, when a female bomber officials say was sent by Prabhakaran made her way into his ministry in central Colombo and blew herself up, killing one of his aides.
The failed assassination attempt bore all the trademarks of Prabhakaran, who is known for his use of suicide attackers as part of his campaign to create a separate state for Tamils in Sri Lanka's north and east.
It is clear that the two sides have no trust in each other's words and actions and hence the deadlock in efforts to restart the stalled peace process. It is indeed a tough task to bring the two sides back to the negotiating table.
But the international community could not sit back saying let the two sides fight it out until one of them is defeated or they come to their senses and will be ready accept solutions that does not compromise the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The least the world could do is to immediately ensure that weapons do not flow to Sri Lanka to feed the conflict and serve an ultimatum on both sides to halt attacks on each other and come to internationally mediated talks.
Would the UN have that kind of courage? Yes, it would, but it depends on the determination of the world at large to put an end once and for all to a self-destructing crisis where innocent civilians are paying the highest price.

Call could not be louder and clearer

Dec.26, 2007

Call could not be louder and clearer


Pope Benedict XVI could not have picked a better theme for his Christmas Day message to the world: An appeal to political leaders around the globe to find the "wisdom and courage" to end bloody conflicts. The Pope mentioned in particular the conflicts in the "tortured regions" of Darfur, Somalia, northern Congo, the Eritrea-Ethiopia border, Iraq, Lebanon and the Holy Land, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and the Balkans.
The head of the Roman Catholic Church also said he hoped Christmas would bring consolation to "those who are still denied their legitimate aspirations for a more secure existence, for health, education, stable employment, for fuller participation in civil and political responsibilities, free from oppression and protected from conditions that offend human dignity." Such injustices and discrimination are destroying the internal fabric of many countries and souring international relations, he said.
The theme of social injustice and bloody conflicts was reflected in almost every Christmas Day message in an emphatic reminder that while the world marked the birth of Jesus Christ with celebrations, the crises facing tens of millions of people remained static with little sign of solutions.
Indeed, the high number of pilgrims visting the Holy Land for this Christmas and the high turnout of Iraqi Christians for church services in the embattled country were particularly highlighted in the media as signs of positive turns. The launch of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations was cited as the reason for cheers in Palestine while a decline in violence was deemed to have kindled a new positive spirit among Iraqis.
Beneath the surface, however, the situation has changed little, whether in Palestine or in Iraq.
Despite the beginning of peace talks, the fear is high that Israeli intransigence and insistence on having its own way with the Palestinians would lead to a deadlock in negotiations. And the people of Gaza continue to suffer in isolation and increasing difficulties in daily life while the Hamas control of the territory remains yet another serious hurdle in the effort for peace in the Holy Land.
The relative calm in Baghdad is at best uneasy. The general feeling is that those waging the bloody war against the US military presence in the country are lying low in the face of the increased number of American soldiers and their crackdown against anyone coming under the slightest trace of suspicion, and the insurgents and sectarian militiamen could and would renew their campaign of bloodshed at the first opportune moment.
Tuesday's bombings in Iraq that killed nearly 30 people were a reminder of the terror that Iraqis have to live through on a daily basis.
As the Pope emphasised, the suffering of the people around the world is the direct result of political leaders taking the wrong decisions based on their vested interests — some may be national interests while others could be personal interests. Yet some others do not make sense at all.
The Pope's message was simple but eloquent: "May the child Jesus bring relief to those who are suffering and may he bestow upon political leaders the wisdom and courage to seek and find humane, just and lasting solutions."
Indeed, the world at large heard the message loud and clear. But the question is: Did those to whom the message was intended hear it at all?

Preventing yet another disaster

Dec.25, 2007

Preventing yet another disaster


BRINGING Iraq's Sunni community into their country's mainstream politics and involving them in the governing process is one of the basic requirements for success of any effort for national reconciliation in the chaotic country. The US seems to have realised it and hence Washington's move to open doors to the Sunnis by setting up implicit ties through the so-called neighbourhood groups that are now fighting Al Qaeda militants, as the US military has reported.
A few Sunni political leaders remain in the government and the community is also represented in parliament.
However, it is not enough. The average Iraqi from the Sunni heartland would have to be drawn into the mainstream process and this could be achieved though bringing them into the fold of Iraq's security forces and sparking a political reconciliation that will allow more Sunnis to participate in the governing process.
In a way, Al Qaeda has been trying to prevent the Sunnis from taking part in the political process in the country and the the so-called awakening movement was a response to the Al Qaeda campaign.
The number of fighters in the so-called "awakening" councils as about 70,000 and rapidly growing. and it expected that t the number of Sunni fighters in Baghdad alone to grow to 45,000 next year.
Obviously, the Iraqi government fears that the Sunni fighters could grow into an uncontrollable force and eventually use their guns to escalate the sectarian war.
Defence Minister Abdul Qader Al Obeidi, himself a Sunni Arab, has offered a solution. While reaffirming that the Sunni groups would not be a "third force" — after the army and police — in the country, Obeidi has proposed that the bulk of them could be absorbed into the security forces and the rest would be given vocational training that would enable them to earn a living.
However, that proposal does not negate the fact that the Sunni leaders have sensed that they are being marginalised and they would not settle for anything less than their rightful place in the process of governing Iraq.
Continuing a campaign of "revenge" and oppression against any Iraqi group is not going to any good to any Iraqi group interested in protecting national interests.
The danger is high that the conflict could lead to a broadened battle which the US military would be able to do little to contain.
US strategists face the task of trying to repair the situation and prevent yet another catastrophe from striking the people of Iraq. They should shoulder that responsibility without hesitation. After all, the first catastrophe was of American making.

Vigil and alert against deceit

Dec.23, 2007

Vigil and alert against deceit

ANY real movement towards serious peace negotiations between Israel and Palestinians hinges on the Jewish state freezing settlement activities in the occupied territories, which include Arab East Jerusalem despite the Israeli "annexation" of the area after seizing it in the 1967 war.
Israel could continiue to argue that expansion of the Har Homa settlement in the Jebel Abu Ghneim area of occupied Arab East Jerusalem does not come under the purview of the internationally backed "road-map" for peace. However, that argument does not do away with the fact that its "annexation" of the eastern half of the city has no legality under international law. And the very foundation for the Annapolis process launched under US auspices is international law.
The international community has never recognised the annexation and there is no legitimate ground for Israel to claim any right to any part of the occupied territories.
Israel is also trying a deceptive tactic by announcing plans for a new settlement in the Qalandia area of occupied Arab East Jerusalem and then saying that it was abandoning the proposal. Obviously, it is implicitly suggesting that the Palestinians should accept its expansion of the Jebel Abu Ghneim settlement in return for its move not to build the so-called Atarot settlement in Qalandia.
The US seems to be endorsing the Israeli grand plan. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called the dropping of the Qalandia plan a "good step" in the context of the newly revived peace talks. She made no reference to the Jebel Abu Ghneim plan. Was it an oversight or deliberate sidestepping of an issue?
In simple and straight terms, Israel has no right or legitimacy to build or expand settlement anywhere in the occupied West Bank, whether in Arab East Jerusalem or anywhere else. But that is not seen as an issue for Israel, which believes that its physical control of the West Bank, including Arab East Jerusalem, gives it the upper hand to dictate terms to the Palestinians and, by extension, to the world community at large.
What is happening in the Jebel Abu Ghneim-Qalandia equation highlights the difficulties that the Palestinians face in negotiating a fair, just and honourable peace with Israel, which is known to have some of the most cunning negotiating brains.
The Palestinians need to remain ever alert against all forms of deceptive Israeli tactics and they stand in need for consistent and strong international support at all levels and in all forms. Any let-up on any front would immediately be exploited by Israel to their disadvantage.

Address roots of the conflict

Dec.22, 2007

Address roots of the conflict

It was never a secret that there was something fundamentally wrong in the successive US administrations' thinking about the Middle East and overall Arab-Israeli conflict. That was all the more pronounced every move that the administration of President George W Bush Jr took in the Middle East, starting with a pronounced disinterest in efforts to solve the Palestinian problem, the post-Sept.11 approach to the region, the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the confrontation-oriented dealings with Iran and Syria and many other issues of concern to the Arab World.
Of course, the initiative that the US took in organising a confererence on Middle East peace in Annapolis last month was a break from the pattern, although scepticism is the key word when it comes assessing the chances of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement being worked out before the end of 2008 as leaders from the two sides promised at the forum.
In the meantime, the pattern has been restored to the US behaviour where the only constant is what would seem to be an unwillingness to deal with the region on the basis of realities that could not be changed or ignored.
It was with great relief that the Arab World saw the Syrian participation at the Annapolis conference since it was a signal that there was an opening between Washington and Damascus that could possibly lead to resumption of Syrian-Israeli peace talks where the Lebanon crisis would be resolved on its own. But the relief proved to be short-lived. It would appear that Bush was interested only in using the Syrian presence in Annapolis to trumphet his "diplomatic" success in having a large Arab participation in the meeting as well as towards weakening the Iranian-Syrian relationship.
Syria's value, if there was any at all in the US eye, was limited to the Annapolis gathering. And now that the conference is over, Washington is back to its platform and has renewed charges that Syria is a destabilsing factor in the region. In this context, the meaning of destabilising should be read as not conducive to serving US strategic interests that have more to do with Israeli objectives than US interests.
That is what we get in a between-the-line reading of Bush's declaration on Thursday that his patience with Syrian President Bashar Al Assad had run out long ago. Bush has dusted off the same reasons that he had been citing as the reason for the aggressive US approach to Syria.
Damascus has links with Palestinian groups that are waging armed resistance against Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands, supports Lebanon's Hizbollah — which is definitely more than a thorn on Israel's side — allows "suiciders to go ... to Iraq and destabilises Lebanon."
There are inherent contradictions in Bush's charges against Syria, including recent statements by senior US officials that the Damascus government has taken firm measures to check infiltration of militants into Iraq and Syria's affirmations that it is trying to help resolve Lebanon's presidential crisis by publicly supporting the compromise that Michel Suleiman, the army chief, be the next president.
The US should realise that Syria's links with Palestinian and other Arab groups are linked mainly to the country's national strategies that in turn are closely related to the unresolved conflict over Israel's occupation of Syria's Golan Heights.
There are no magical words that would prompt Damascus to call off or suspend such relationships that are bothering the US. Indeed, these botherations would cease to exist if and when Israel and Syria make peace, and that is a reality on the ground that Washington has opted to brush aside.
As such, the Bush administration should be more interested in looking deeper at the roots of its problem with Syria with a view to solving the Israeli-Syrian conflict rather than simply addressing the symptoms as seen in Syrian policies and actions.

New breed of 'insurgents'

Dec.21, 2007


A new breed of 'insurgents'


The "surge" in US forces in Iraq — from 135,000 soldiers at the beginning of 2007 to 165,0000 soldiers today — is described as a success, with a decline in insurgent attacks in Baghdad. What is not being highlighted by the US military is the detention campaign that it launched along with the surge that now sees some 30,000 Iraqis being held at the two main prisons operated by the US military in Iraq, at Camp Bucca near Basra and Camp Cropper in Baghdad.
Many of these prisoners who were arrested mainly on suspicion rather then concret evidence that were involved in the insurgency.
On the other hand, it could be argued that the better level of security is a direct result of the higher numbers of detainees. In reality, however, the improvement in security could have also come from the shifting attitudes of Iraqis as the state of terror they are living through.
The Iraqi government is believed to hold some 20,000 people accused of having taken part in the insurgency. Again, their actual affiliation with any organised group is subject to debate, particularly given that many of them were detained by Iraqi government forces acting upon tipoffs from "informants" whose motivations have highly questionable.
At some point, the US military and the Iraqi government have to start releasing the prisoners, the bulk of whom have not been formally charged or subject to any other judicial process.
According to Major-General Doug Stone, who oversees detainees for the US-led force, many of the prisoners were motivated mostly by money and most only desire to live peacefully. Many can be safely released back to society, back to their families and in their neighbourhoods without straining security or their communities, he says. He could indeed be oversimplifying the situation because he overlooks that the result of detention and incarceration without trial would only be, among most victims, anger, desparation, frustration and hate for the system .
The "risk" that the US military and the Iraqi government see in releasing the prisoners is that some of whom who were never part of the insurgency could jump the fence and join the camp of the insurgents simply because of their detention and the treatment they received at the hands of their captors.
That was what Marine Commandant General James Conway means when he says: "If you roll up 150 guys in a village and you don't have probable cause, you've just created 150 little terrorists."
Given that the US military does not believe in any mass release of prisoners, many in detention are likely to remain in Camp Bucca and Camp Cropper for months, and we are talking about thousands of Iraqis who cannot be expected to have anything but resentment and hostility towards the US and their own government.
Detaining people on slightest suspicion and denying them the due process of law is definitely not the way to win an insurgency. The US is starting to learn the lesson a bit too late because the damage has been already done and adds to the problems created by the throughtless manner the US went about invading and occupying Iraq.

Easy options, tough choices

Dec.20, 2007.

Easy options, tough choices


The Palestinian Hamas movement has said it wants genuine reunification of the ranks and heal the rift caused by its violent seizure of the Gaza Strip in June after defeating forces loyal to Palestinian President and Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas. Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh also wants a cease-fire with Israel after months of rocket attacks against Israeli towns and retaliatory Israeli strikes that killed and wounded hundreds of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
On both counts, sceptics would say Hamas has been cornered into a position where it has no option but to make conciliatory gestures and even appeal through the Israeli media for an end to military strikes against the Gaza Strip.
On the first count, Abbas is going ahead with peace negotiations with Israel and has repeatedly turned down Hamas calls for talks saying no such dialogue could come as long as the group retains its control of the Gaza Strip. It does not make sense for Abbas to make any gestures towards Hamas, a group which resorted to violence in its challenge to his authority. As such, Hamas, if it wants genuine reconciliation with Fatah, should give up control of the Gaza Strip and rejoin the Palestinian political scene as a party, as far as Abbas is concerned.
Obviously, Hamas does not want any unconditional return of the Gaza Strip to the control of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) headed by Abbas. It would have its own conditions attached to any such possibility, particularly that it feels buoyed that it had trounced Fatah by winning 76 per cent of the votes in the 2006 Palestinian elections.
There could indeed be many arguments and counter-arguments against and in favour of Hamas, but the realities on the ground are stacked against Hamas.
For starters, it is difficult to see how Hamas could re-enter mainstream politics as long as it maintains its hard-line positions and challenges and defies the PNA by continuing to rule the Gaza Strip.
Abbas would definitely want to have the Palestinian constituency united behind him, but Hamas has yet to make the right gestures and moves towards this end.
Any PNA overture towards Hamas without the group reciprocating in equal terms and meeting the basic requisites for peace would be futile and would have a negative impact on the US-supported peace negotiations launched in Annapolis last month. The burden on Abbas has become all the more heavier — even as has his international support shot up — with the billions of dollars that donors pledged for the PNA this week.
In the Gaza Strip, the Hamas leaders are burdened with the responsibility of looking after the residents of the area in the face of the crippling Israeli blockade of the area.
Indeed, they do have the easy option of bowing to the Palestinian presdent's authority in order to reunify the Palestinian ranks and thus end the isolation of the Gaza Strip. They could also agree to accept realities on the ground as realities and change their hard-line positions.
At this point, we do not know whether behind-the-scene contacts and Arab mediation between Fatah and Hamas have made any breakthrough. Pending that, it is unlikely that Hamas would exercise the options available to it. And, in the meantime, trust Israel to continue to make life difficult for the Palestinian people.

Back to square one

Dec.19, 2007

Back to square one in Lebanon

With the postponement of Lebanon's presidential election for a ninth time on Monday, to Dec.22, the country has moved to what could be seen as a make-or-break point in efforts to salvage itself from factional strife.
The rival groups stood firm on their positions on Monday despite international efforts, including a last-ditch US move, to convince them to proceed to a vote and avoid plunging the country into further chaos.
It is not as if they do not agree on who should be the next president of Lebanon. They simply disagree on how to go through the constitutional process to elect army chief Michel Suleiman as the country's president to succeed Emile Lahoud, who stepped down at the end of his term with no elected successor last month.
The tug-of-war has deep political implications. The opposition does not want to give "legitimacy" to the government of Prime Minister Fuad Siniora by involving it in the constitutional process. The government is determined not to allow that to happen because it is very survival is at stake in the power struggle since the opposition insists on replacing it and having a say in deciding who would lead a new government and how many cabinet seats each camp would get.
There was hope until Monday that increased American and French pressure had led to a compromise that would see Suleiman being installed as president. However, as Christian leader Samir Geagea explained, it was only a rumour that was floated at easing the tension created by the American and French pressure.
Obviously, it would mean that the various parties involved do not have any serious intention to accept any compromise. They simply want to ward off pressure.
There was little public sign of either side stepping back on Monday although some politicians insisted that a solution could be found.
The government and opposition have five days to work on a solution. It is doubtful that they would to work out compromise in five days to solve a problem that has haunted the country for months now.
Surely, the feuding groups must have their own plans on how to go about if they did not have their way by Dec.22. However, they should realise that missing the deadline could create new facts on the ground that could make a compromise all the more difficult and perhaps even push the country beyond the brink towards civil strife.
The future of Lebanon is indeed at stake and it is the duty of the feuding politicians not to let that reality fade into the background as they pursue their conflicting agendas.

The irony of it all

Dec.18, 2007

The irony of it all

The US contention that Iranians are financing insurgents in Iraq and also supplying arms and ammunition to them could have some grain of truth because gun-running has always been a lucrative trade. Furthemore, Iranians could also have an interest in not allowing the US military pacify Iraq since they fear that they could be the next target if and when Washington manages to stabilise Iraq. Recent intelligence findings that Iran had dropped a nuclear weaponisation programme in 2003 have not eased the situation because Washington insists that Iran remains a threat to regional and international stability and security.
The US has cited the discovery of explosives, guns and roadside bombs of a particular kind to support its charge that Iran is backing the insurgency in Iraq.
It is known that Iraq was awash with weapons when the US invaded and occupied it in 2003. The weapons disappeared, only to reappear in the hands of insurgents. Today, there does not seem to be any shortage of weapons in Iraq for the insurgents to continue their anti-US war.
The irony is that many weapons that the insurgent are using are US-made and sent to Iraq for distribution to Iraqi security forces. According to reports, hundreds of thousands of guns, small and big, and entire consignments of ammunition that the US sent to Iraq have simply disappeared.
The latest such report has come from the US government's accountability office, which says that the US military in Iraq has lost track of another 12,000 weapons, including more than 800 machine-guns (not to mention 2,100 new electricity generators to half a dozen garbage trucks).
The same office revealed earlier this year that 190,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles and automatic pistols earmarked for Iraqi government forces had gone astray in 2004 and 2005 and could be in insurgent hands.
The question here is not why the US military is not more careful with weapons and equipment paid for by the American taxpayer and seems to be a key source for insurgents who are waging war against American soldiers.
The question is how the US military loses track of weapons and ammunition and how the missing items end up with the insurgents.
It does say something about the reliability of Iraqi forces that the US military is supposed to be training to take over security of the country somewhere down the line. Beyond that, however, is the reality that many of the Iraqi security forces, in service and under training, do not owe genuine allegiance to the US or the central government. It is acknowledged that a good number of Iraqi security forces came from the ranks of sectarian militias. For them, whatever is happening in Iraq is transitional and they owe their allegiance to their political leaders who they expect to protect their interests when the Americans are gone.
And still Washington believes — or at least insists — that it is on track to realising its strategic objectives of enthroning a US-friendly regime in Baghdad that would give priority to US interests over Iraqi interests.

People should feel the change

Dec.17, 2007




The first move to turn negative thinking to positive outlook among people is to convince them that they stand to lose something with negativism. Positive thinking among his people is something that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas needs as a priority as he seeks a negotiated peace agreement with Israel. However, negativism has become part of life for the Palestinians living under Israel's military occupation in the West Bank because of the stranglehold the Jewish state has on their daily life. The Israeli siege of the West Bank — including strict restrictions on Palestinian movement and the hundreds of roadblocks that have made life all but impossible in the territory — is one of the many realities of daily live for the Palestinians.
The finding of an Israeli military survey that one in four of Israeli troops serving at the checkpoints across the occupied West Bank have witnessed, heard about or taken part in physical or verbal abuse of Palestinians highlights the humiliation and suffering that the Palestinians are facing since the Jewish state occupied their territories in 1967.
The stymied economic growth in the West Bank is another reality of life, with unemployment and poverty growing to alarming rates. Couple these problems with the almost daily Israeli military raids aimed at killing or arresting Palestinian activists, and we have the best-ever breeding ground for negativism, frustration and despair. A feeling has set in among the Palestinian residents of the West Bank that they have little to lose or gain in supporting or opposing the renewed peace negotiations with Israel.
That is where Abbas needs all the help he could muster. He has to turn around the people's thinking by convincing them that there would be positive changes in their daily life under his leadership.
Today's conference of donors in Paris might produce pledges of the $5.6 billion in aid in three years that Abbas is seeking to support the Palestinian National Authority's economic and reform programme, but the money would be of little help if it could not make tangible changes in people's daily life. Freedom of movement and a sense of security are vital elements of economic development but they are missing in the West Bank today.
The best that Israel could come up while facing the reality of what Abbas needs at this juncture is a declaration that positive changes in Palestinian life in the West Bank could not come at "the expense of Israel's security."
Well, that posture had always been one of the biggest mistakes Israeli leaders have always made. They never entertained the thought that Israel's "security" could never be assured through the use of military force but that it would be the natural outcome of a fair and just peace agreement with the Palestinians.
Unless today's Israeli leaders turned away from the "military option" and started to think about the Palestinians as a people with legitimate rights, then peace would remain elusive, far beyond the one-year deadline that was announced at the Annapolis conference last month.

How about opening the $500b war chest?

Dec.16, 2007


How about opening the $500b war chest?

"The Egyptians write, the Lebanese publish, the Iraqis read." This is a famous Arabic saying that highlights the Iraqi's legendary thirst for knowledge quoted in a McClatchy report that exposes yet another ugly impact of the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.
At least 300,000 young Iraqis — the bulk of them 10 to 15 years of age — are not attending school in the countries where their families have sought safety from the terror and insecurity at home, according to aid workers. In Syria and Jordan, Iraqi children can attend public schools for little or no fees and needy families are eligible for UN assistance with books, uniforms and transportation. However, only 30,000 are enrolled in Syrian schools and 20,000 in Jordan since education becomes secondary when displaced and cash-strapped families scrounge for food and shelter. Many parents often rely on older children to help support the family by taking on odd jobs and helping at home. Survival is their priority.
As a result, there is a growing generation of Iraqis who cannot read of write — an irony for a country which once boasted some of the highest literacy rates in the Middle East.
Indeed, the problem started with the sweeping sanctions that were imposed on Iraq following its invasion of Kuwait in 1990. Many Iraqis lost their jobs as the sanctions tore into the economy, and they had to depend on state handouts of food while many children dropped out of schools and sought menial work to sustain themselves.
The impact of the sanctions was slightly eased when the UN launched its oil-for-food programme with Iraq in 1997, but the damage was already done. The situation turned worse with the external and internal displacement of more than four million Iraqis following the invasion of their country and the bloody insurgency and ethnic cleansing that brought them into life in terror.
The United Nations Childrens Fund, which cares for children's health and education around the world, is trying to determine the size of the problem. The agency, which is running youth programmes, says that about one of third of the Iraqi participants in the programmes are illiterate or close to illiterate.
The problem could be addressed to a large extent by a well-focused and well-planned effort, but it needs cash. The UN on its own is in no position to fund any such programme; nor could the Iraqi government, which is finding itself grappling with "graver" problems within the country. That leaves the international donor community, which is indeed helping out, but the gap between the need and supply is too wide.
That brings up the question of responsibility for the problem: The one-track minded US approach to the invasion and occupation of Iraq without planning and measures to cope with the consequences. The people of Iraq are paying the price for it.
But then, the US says it has already spent nearly $500 billion for the Iraq invasion and whatever followed it. How about Washington allocating a tiny faction of it — say a billion dollars — for the welfare of children who were thrown out of their schools and homes as a result of its "liberation" of Iraq?